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Dr Alan Convery & Dr Benjamin Martill, University of Edinburgh, Conservative Party's internal debates about Europe


As the political and economic consequences of Brexit become more apparent, Conservatives have reached for different explanations to account for the gap between rhetoric and reality. We argue that the central strand of Conservatives’ justifications for Brexit disappointments stems from a belief that it is possible to divorce the economic and political aspects of EU membership. We call this ‘cakeism’: the idea that the UK can retain the benefits of EU membership with minimal political obligations. We argue that this belief is sustained because: (1) it unites different strands of Eurosceptic opinion in the party by suggesting that Conservatives can have the ideal scenario that has eluded UK Governments since 1945: full market access without pesky sovereignty compromises; (2) it provides a roadmap to success via hard bargaining and tough negotiations; and (3) it is shielded from empirical refutation by the idea that the true promise of Brexit simply has not been delivered yet: Neverland is always just one more negotiation away. We trace the origins and development of this mode of thinking from the post-war period to the present and we show how it continues to shape the Conservative Party’s internal debates about Europe. 


Alan Convery is Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Edinburgh. He studies UK and Scottish politics and conservatism and the Conservative Party. He is the author of The Territorial Conservative Party (MUP 2016).

Benjamin Martill is Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations and Associate Director of the Europa Institute at the University of Edinburgh. He is an Associate of LSE IDEAS, the foreign policy think tank of the London School of Economics, and an Advisor for the Independent Commission on UK–EU Relations. His research examines the politics of foreign and security policy, with a focus on contemporary European security and defence.

Professor Lee McGowan, Queen’s University Belfast, Orbiting Europeanisation? An analysis of the UK post Brexit

Dr Elżbieta Sadowska-Wieciech, Pedagogical University of Krakow, British Conservative Party and local government


The modern idea of local-self government hasn’t ever been seen as one of the core parts of conservative doctrine. It seems like Tory politicians and political thinkers were more inclined to appreciate strong national institutions and rule of law than support county councils or parishes. This approach had to changed as ideas of decentralization as well as localism became more and more popular and widely discussed. This presentation examines that change. It’s concentrated on Conservative Party manifestos and documents that describe party’s notion on the matter and their influence on political actions that had been taken so far.


Elżbieta Sadowska-Wieciech is an assistant professor at the Pedagogical University of Cracow. Her research interests span both local government in comparative perspective and community safety. She is the author of British Local Government after 1945 (Jagiellonian University Press, 2014) and several papers on local democracy. She lives in Cracow with her husband and two sons: 5-year old Mikołaj and 2-year old Aleksander.     

Dr Marcin Galent, Jagiellonian University, Liz Truss’s premiership as the last stand of Thacherite conservatism in Britain


The premiership of Liz Truss was the shortest and arguably most tumultuous in the British history. The final conquest among Tories went bewteen two self-declared Thatcherite heirs. It was Liz Truss, who went overborad to make her to resemble the Iron Lady. Not only as a person, but, what is more important, in her ideological enthusiasm for neoliberalism. The victorious prime minister quickly got down to bring back the old mantra about low taxes and free markets. However, economic plans were so shocking that her chancellor lasted only 3 weeks. Margaret Thatcher was forced to stand down by a popular upraising against poll-tax she wanted to introduce in the 1990. Liz Truss had a popular suport, it were markets and financial institutions which rebelled instead. Quite a suprise! In Spring 2023, Mathew Goodwin, a British influential censervative thinker published a kind of a manifesto strongly critical towards the „old” censervatism symbolised by Thatcher and Reagan. In his view, those conservatives fundamentally failed. And he went on with his diagnosis: those earlier conservatives prioritised a disruptive ‘hyper-globalisation’ at the expense of the national economy and domestic workers. They prioritised mass immigration and relentless social change at the expense of stability, order, established social norms and the national community. They prioritised rampant individualism at the expense of strong communities and strong families. They empowered a managerial, technocratic and democratically unaccountable elite whose failures were later exposed by the global financial and sovereign debt crises, the Covid pandemic, and now the energy crisis. The aim of this paper is to look at this short reign of neo-neoliberalism through a broader prism of the legacy of Margaret Thatcher’s reforms and their consequences.


Marcin Galent is assistant professor at the Institute of European Studies at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. He has studied and done research in such places like: London School of Economics and Political Science, University of Oxford and Cambridge, UK, University of Leuven, Belgium, Peter Pazmany University, Hungary, University of Osaka in Japan. He holds a PhD in sociology from Jagiellonian University and teaches courses on European welfare state, migration, citizenship and multiculturalism, and British politics, culture and society.

Dr hab. Robert Gawłowski, prof. WSB, WSB University in Toruń, Devolve and forget? Assessment of devolution reform in the UK after 25 years


Devolution in the UK is rightly described as one of the most important constitutional reform in turn of XX/XXI century. After 25 years of implementation there is a good reason to ask about the outcome of this reform. The aim of this presentation is to examine the advantages and disadvantages of this process. In order in doing this author (1) checks the process of implementation reform; (2) follow the evolution of devolved governments and last but not least (3) analyse the current state of debate about the future of devolution. Research methodology in based on the comparative studies and desk research. In conclusion, it is said that devolution reform slowly but consequently changed the political and administrative structure of the UK, however, it has not resolved the problem of fact that the UK remains the most centralized country in Europe in terms of local and regional governance.


Robert Gawłowski is Professor at the WSB Merito University in Toruń focusing on public administration with a strong track record in public management and public policy analysis. The main interests in research fields are (1) UK and Polish politics; (2) central and local government relations; (3) public service delivery.  

Dr hab. Tomasz Czapiewski, prof. US, University of Szczecin, Legacy and impact of Nicola Sturgeon as Scotland's First Minister (2014-2023)


The subject of the talk is an analysis of the period of about a decade of Nicola Sturgeon's tenure as First Minister of Scotland. In the first instance, the aim of the analysis will be to identify the unique features of Sturgeon's leadership and to identify the real and possibly lasting impact she has had. The main areas of analysis will cover the following topics: Nicola Sturgeon led the Scottish National Party (SNP) to multiple electoral victories, consolidating the party's dominant position in Scottish politics and maintaining its pro-independence stance. Under Sturgeon's leadership, Scotland has championed European Union membership, voicing strong opposition to Brexit and advocating for a close relationship with the EU despite the UK's departure from the bloc. Sturgeon has overseen an ambitious climate change agenda, setting ambitious emission reduction targets and promoting renewable energy, positioning Scotland as a leader in addressing climate change and hosting the COP26 summit in Glasgow. Nicola Sturgeon has been a vocal advocate for social justice, equality, and human rights, supporting initiatives related to gender equality, LGBTQ+ rights, and minority representation in Scotland. Nicola Sturgeon's time as First Minister has been marked by her commitment to holding a second Scottish independence referendum, maintaining the goal of an independent Scotland as a central tenet of her government and the SNP's platform.


Dr hab. Tomasz Czapiewski, prof. US. Chairman of the Institute of Political Sciences and Security Studies, University of Szczecin. Electoral Commissioner Szczecin I. Doctor habilitated in political science and administration, lawyer, political scientist.  Research areas: referenda, local elections and electoral geography, public policy processes (mainly in the area of security).

Dr hab. Aleksander Głogowski, prof. UJ, Jagiellonian University, The Northern Ireland Protocol and Brexit as potential threat for the peace process in Northern Ireland.


The Good Friday Agreement was/has been a mile stone for the peace process in Northern Ireland. Membership of the UK and the Republic of Ireland in the EU created good environment for reconciliation. Liberty of work and travell supported encourging relations among the people of the two respective States. Implementation of Euro currency in Ireland also helped in some way to establish closer relations between the people of both countries: esp. the Irish frequently visited Notrhern Ireland for weakly shopping, so many enterprises there has been granted new opportunities. Frankly speaking existnece of "Partition of Ireland" had been more political than real/practical impact on daily life of the People. Those new circumstanced helped to establish new relations on both: inter-state and inter-personal levels. Brexit and the Protocol are the serious challenge for the futer. The presentation will be an effort of my research on the possible threads/challenges for the Northern Irish peace process. I use the term "process", because the new political environment would/will have an impact on the development of events.


Aleksander Głogowski is Professor of the Jagiellonian University, Institute of Political Science and International Relations. Political scientist and international relations analyst. Specialises in South Asia politics, international security and international terrorism.


Dr Łukasz Danel, Krakow University of Economics, The Impact of Brexit on Attempts to Find an Answer to the West Lothian Question


The paper is dedicated to the famous West Lothian question, which to this day remains one of the unresolved issues related to the British constitutional system. The author will try to answer the question whether, and if so, to what extent the UK leaving the EU (i.e. Brexit) can help in trying to find the optimal solution in relation to this constitutional and systemic puzzle.


Łukasz Danel - Doctor of Social Sciences in the discipline of political science, research worker and lecturer in the Department of Political Studies at the Cracow University of Economics, author of numerous publications on the British political and constitutional system, including a monograph on the British House of Lords and a monograph on Brexit.

Dr hab. Garry Robson, prof. UJ, Jagiellonian University, UK governance, globalism and the emerging digital technocracy


This paper argues that the UK may be moving towards a system of increasingly post-democratic, technocratic governance facilitated by the surveillance and population management capacities of the global digital communications system. Three key questions will be addressed in the attempt to identify and specifically British characteristics of this broader trend. First, to what extent is the UK already being governed by key political actors whose primary allegiances may be not to the country itself but to transnational or globalist institutions of the private rather than public sector? Next, an examination of the careers, attitudes and possible motivations of two significant individuals will make these questions more concrete: what is the significance of the rise to the role of Prime Minister of Rishi Sunak, an extremely wealthy man with strong globalist connections who was not elected to the post by his party in the conventional way? Following this we will consider what is at present the forthcoming coronation of King Charles III, who is also strongly connected to private-sector globalist institutions and their values. While it is widely believed that the significance of the oaths to be made by a monarch during their coronation ceremony lies overwhelmingly in their symbolic significance, a report published in February 2022 by the House of Commons Library stated that the oaths and ceremony not only have religious and ceremonial significance, but also constitutional importance by virtue of a legal requirement on the part of the monarch to swear an oath to govern the peoples of Great Britain, Northern Ireland, and the Commonwealth ‘according to their respective laws and customs’. We will end, on the basis of a discussion of these points, with an assessment of the question of the extent to which the nature of governance in the UK may be approaching an historical turning point.


Garry Robson is Professor of Sociology at the Jagiellonian University’s Institute for American Studies in Krakow, Poland. He has taught at universities in the UK and Poland since 1995 and written widely on a variety of subjects including class, masculinity, and community in the context of sport cultures in No One Likes Us, We Don’t Care: The Myth and Reality of Millwall Fandom (2003); class, gentrification, and the social structure of London, in London Calling: The Middle Classes and the Remaking of Inner London (2003); intercultural experience and social media use among sojourning international students, in Digital Diversities: Social Media and Intercultural Experience (2014, with Malgorzata Zachara); and numerous articles and book chapters on race and football; social class, accents, and dialects in Britain; the British New Labour government and therapy culture; Poland in the European Union; and, latterly, the philosophy of technology, surveillance capitalism, and technocracy. His latest book is Virtually Lost: Young Americans in the Digital Technocracy (2023). 

Dr Maciej Olejnik, University of Wrocław, What makes grassroots lobbying effective? The effectiveness of the e-petitions at the national level in the United Kingdom


The goal of the paper is to examine whether and how one of the grassroots lobbying’s techniques – online petitions – influences the UK government’s political decisions. The UK parliament e-petition system, which was launched in 2015, allows British citizens to submit petitions to the House of Commons through the website ( This institution turned out to be a popular method of lobbying, e.g., between 2017-2019 more than 28000 petitions were submitted, which were signed by more than 10 million people. With development of the e-petition system many research questions emerged, which remain unanswered: 1. Are the e-petitions with higher number of signatures more likely to be realised? 2. Does the nature of the e-petition’s demand (protection or change of the status quo policy) impact its effectiveness? 3. Does the salience of the issue (lower/higher) addressed in the petition influence the authorities’ political decision? In order to answer these research questions, I examined: a) all petitions from the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom (June 2017-November 2019), which received more than 10000 signatures, i.a., the ones, which were considered by the government; b) the ruling party’s manifesto for the 2017 parliamentary election. Collected information allowed me to establish which petitions have higher and which have lower salience for the Conservative Party; c) the government’s responses to all petitions; d) the decision-making process concerning every petition. It was necessary to examine whether the government acted in accordance with the replies. I analysed the collected data through the prism of the major theories on the effectiveness of grassroots lobbying: the John Cluverious’ economic theory of political information, the Daniel Bergan’s signaling theory, and the Frank Baumgartner’s assumption that the goal of lobbying activity (change versus protection of the status quo policy) is the best predictor of lobbying’s success.


Maciej Olejnik - assistant professor at the Department of Political Science at the Willy Brandt Centre for German and European Studies of the University of Wrocław. His research covers the topics of lobbying, industrial relations and processes of democratization in the European countries.

Dr Hector Calleros, University of Warsaw, Democratic Legitimacy and Constitutional Monarchy


To interrogates the democratic legitimacy of a Constitutional Monarch –a position based on hereditary principles-, the paper revisits Political Science debates on Constitutional Monarchies. Centred on the Head of the State, the paper illustrates the discussion with publicly available data on the British monarchy: legislation, parliamentary records, freedom of information releases as well as hemerographic digital archives and online newspaper editions.


Dr. Hector Calleros is a lecturer and researcher at the American Studies Center of the University of Warsaw. His research focuses on the analysis of political processes, social conflicts and ethnicity. On political institutions, his interest lies in understanding the role of legislatures within political systems. Dr. Calleros is a political scientist from UNAM (Mexico); he continued his education in the United Kingdom where he received a PhD from the University of Leeds and a M.A. in Legislative Studies from the University of Hull.

Martyna Woźniak, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Monarchy in the past and present. The reign of Queen Elizabeth II versus the reign of King Charles III


The purpose of the presentation is a comparative analysis of the reigns of Queen Elizabeth II and King Charles III. The United Kingdom is a parliamentary monarchy and the head of state is the monarch. The current king, Charles III, has been waiting for 71 years to ascend to the throne. Queen Elizabeth II, his mother, was the longest-reigning monarch in British history. She enjoyed incredible respect among the British people although her monarchy experienced ups and downs. Elizabeth II had to deal with numerous problems, including the divorce and the tragic death of Princess Diana. Her monarchy was both very conservative and progressive. No doubt King Charles will reign in his mother's shadow, but he himself certainly plans to go down in history as a modern king who cares about the environment and supports young people. He is the bridge between the old and the new, between Elizabeth II and his son, Prince William.


Martyna Woźniak is PhD student at the Department of Political Science and Journalism at Adam Mickiewicz University. Her research area of interest: the future of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth.

Professor Natalia Yakovenko, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, The United Kingdom Facing Russia-Ukraine War


The ongoing war in Ukraine caused many states to offer financial, military, and humanitarian assistance in varying degrees. The United Kingdom has emerged as the second largest assistant to Ukraine during the war, outpacing other European countries. It is worth to analyze the factors that have contributed to the United Kingdom's significant support for Ukraine.

Historical and Cultural Ties: The United Kingdom and Ukraine share a long history of cooperation, trade, and cultural exchange. The deep historical ties have fostered a sense of responsibility and solidarity among the British public and government officials, driving the UK to extend a helping hand to Ukraine in its time of need.
Geopolitical Interests: The United Kingdom's support for Ukraine can be attributed to its strategic interests in Eastern Europe. By supporting Ukraine, the UK aims to counter Russian aggression and maintain stability in the region. This is particularly important given the tensions between the UK and Russia, which have escalated in recent years due to events such as the Salisbury poisoning incident.
Economic Factors: The UK has significant economic interests in Ukraine. British companies have invested in various sectors, including energy, infrastructure, and agriculture. By supporting Ukraine during the war, the UK seeks to protect its investments and ensure the long-term stability of its trade and investment relationships.
Military Industrial Complex: The UK possesses a strong military industrial complex and has been actively promoting its defense products in the international market. By providing military assistance to Ukraine, the UK is able to showcase its military capabilities and enhance its reputation as a reliable defense partner. This could potentially lead to increased defense exports in the future.
Humanitarian Concerns: The war in Ukraine has resulted in a significant humanitarian crisis, with thousands of casualties and millions of people displaced. The UK has been actively involved in providing humanitarian aid to alleviate the suffering of Ukrainian civilians. This support not only reflects the UK's commitment to human rights and humanitarian principles but also strengthens its international reputation as a compassionate and responsible actor.
Influence of the Ukrainian Diaspora: The United Kingdom is home to a sizeable Ukrainian diaspora, which has been influential in shaping public opinion and lobbying the government to support Ukraine during the war. The active engagement of the Ukrainian community in the UK has played a key role in mobilizing resources and support for their homeland.
Conclusion: The United Kingdom's emergence as the second largest assistant to Ukraine during the war can be attributed to a combination of historical, cultural, geopolitical, economic, military, humanitarian, and diaspora factors. These factors have driven the UK to prioritize assistance to Ukraine above other European countries, demonstrating its commitment to maintaining regional stability and supporting a fellow European nation in times of crisis.
Natalia Yakovenko, Dr. Hab., Professor, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Institute of International Relations. Author of about 200 research papers. She has published on topics addressing British history and European policy, UK-Ukraine relations, UK in international organizations, Ukrainian foreign policy, International organizations in security sphere, NATO’s role in global security, Diplomatic Protocol. She is also a member of the Editorial Boards of a number of research magazines in Ukraine and abroad.  

Prof. dr hab. Elżbieta Stadtmüller, University of Wrocław, United Kingdom's approach towards the global order in period of the Russian-Ukrainian war


The global order is changing and most researchers and politicians share the belief that it can be a radical change. Russia's war against Ukraine is seen as a turning point, although symptoms of the collapse of the international order have been visible in various fields since the beginning of the 21st century. The new order is most often perceived differently among the countries of the South and the West. While the first group of countries expects fundamental changes (a post-Western order), rejecting the "hegemony" of the current leaders, the West hopes for a change that will not diminish its role. It is possible that several orders
will emerge simultaneously, based on leading powers and regional organizations.
Great Britain is a superpower in the Western Bloc, but with the ambition and potential to play an important role on a global scale, which also results from its colonial past. This latter aspect can be a help or a serious obstacle in inscribing itself in the 'post-Western' or 'non-Western' order. This article therefore aims to present the British position on the changing international order. The main focus of interest is on the political and institutional order, but also on related concepts of security and other dimensions of order. The principles, values and norms indicated by Britain as an element of the narrative about order are also important. The basis for the analysis are mainly official documents and statements, but also the opinions of experts and the ongoing discourse. The period of detailed research is the years 2022-2023, when the discussion about the crisis and the change of order intensified after Russia's attack on Ukraine. Of course, taking into account the concepts directly preceding these years, which are comparative material.


Elżbieta Stadtmüller, PhD, Hab., is Professor in the Institute of International Studies, the University of Wroclaw. Her main fields of interest are the political aspects of international relations focused on global problems and security, regional cooperation and governance, as well as the role of the EU in international system and foreign policy of European states. She evaluates the EU research grants from 1999; serves as an expert for national grants committee of Poland and some other countries; published over 100 books and articles, also in English; holded and coordinated many grants and scholarships; supervised successfully 34 PhD students and was a visiting professor at universities in the US, Canada, Great Britain, Slovenia, Belgium, Ukraine. She was elected member of the executive board of the Central East Europe International Studies Association (CEEISA) and the Steering Committee of the SGIR, ECPR (2007-2013). Currently she is elected member of Political Science Committee of Polish Academy of Science.


Dr Przemysław Biskup, Warsaw School of Economics (SGH), Global Britain Between Tilt to the Indo-Pacific and the War in Ukraine: Implications for Poland and EU


2021 brought the closure to the formal withdrawal of Britain from the European Union and publication of the Integrated Review (IR) outlining its vision for the post-Brexit positioning in the world. Importantly, UK-EU cooperation in foreign and security policy was omitted from the Trade and Cooperation Agreement on Britain’s initiative. The IR, on the other hand, signalled a considerable outward tilt in Britain’s foreign policy from Europe into the Indo-Pacific and followed on the UK’s application to join the Transpacific Partnership (CPTTP), as well as planned for a reduction in British land forces in order to boost maritime and air components. This vision was further strengthened in September 2021 by signing of the trilateral AUKUS agreement with US and Australia. Yet, less than one year from its publication the IR has been tested by the outbreak of the biggest conventional war in Europe waged by Russia against Ukraine, which not only called for revisiting the scale of Britain’s engagement in Europe but also emphasised a need for post-Brexit foreign and security policy coordination with EU and its member states. This paper will analyse the original IR, the scale and nature of amendments introduced in its 2023 refresh, and will compare those with the practice of Britain’s engagement with both European and Pacific partners, including UK’s participation in the European Political Community as well its accession to the CPTTP and deepening of the AUKUS. This will lead to the assessment of the Britain’s post-Brexit foreign policy agenda for Poland and EU, with special emphasis on war in Ukraine.

Dr Justyna Eska-Mikołajewska, Krakow University of Economics, A new role for the United Kingdom under Prime Minister Rishi Sunak - implications for the Pacific countries


The paper will concern the changes in functioning of the United Kingdom during the rule of Prime Minister Rishi Sunak. Central to the rhetoric of Theresa May and Boris Johnson’s foreign policy was "Global Britain". The UK after the withdrew from the European Union intended to strengthen its global position mainly through trade policy, but also intensifying political relations and security alliances and partnerships with non-European countries. The key to achieving the UK's global role was its international reorientation towards the Indo-Pacific region, known as the 'Indo-Pacific tilt'. A significant role in ensuring the UK's role as a world leader was attributed to the rebuilding of the ties with such members of the Commonwealth, as Australia and New Zealand. The examples of deepening UK’s relations with the former dominions was the AUKUS three-power agreement with the US and Australia, the first fully negotiated post-Brexit trade agreements with Australia and New Zealand, as well as the UK's involvement in the Pacific under the "Pacific Uplift".
However, achieving a position of Global Britain has been hit hard by poor economic performance as a result of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and Brexit. These changes in the international environment resulted in Sunak-led government has prioritised relations with Europe. The UK’s post-Global Britain foreign policy, exemplified by the updated version of the Integrated Review, shows a move away from the previous ambitious rhetoric. The United Kingdom is now closer to its European partners, retaining within the framework of the ‘new normal’ a stress on improving diplomatic relations with its neighbours while playing an active role in international relations. The key issue in the analysis is therefore how the Sunak government’s realistic goal of making the UK a serious global partner will affect further development of cooperation between the former empire and the Pacific states.


Dr Justyna Eska-Mikołajewska holds a PhD of social sciences in the field of political science from the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. Previously she was a senior lecturer at the University of Bydgoszcz. Currently she works as an assistant professor at the Department of Political Studies at the Krakow University of Economics. She is a member of the Australia, New Zealand and Oceania Research Association, the Polish Economic Society and the editorial board of academic journal SN Social Sciences. Her research interests include political systems, human rights and security policy of Anglo-Saxon countries, especially in the Australia and Oceania region. She was a visiting scholar at the Centre for Defence and Security Studies, Massey University (Wellington, New Zealand) where she worked on her co-authored book Statehood, economy and security of New Zealand - history and the present. Her current projects focus on changes in national security of New Zealand and Australia and the post-Brexit UK relations to the Pacific countries.

Dr hab. Radosław Rybkowski, prof. UJ, Jagiellonian University, What is the name? Polish-UK academic collaboration


The proposed paper will discuss the trends in academic collaboration between British and Polish researchers, covering the years 2000-2020. It is based on a detailed analysis of publications indexed by Scopus, a database that is proudly advertised as an updated daily “source-neutral abstract and citation database, curated by independent subject matter experts.” For the purpose of this article all publications with a concurring country affiliation of the “United Kingdom” and “Poland” were identified, that is 36,582 publications in total. Then, indexing terms of Scopus, representing “Subject Areas” and “Keywords” were used. Since the aim of the research was to identify the main trends in Polish-UK academic collaboration, further analysis focused on “Subject Areas” and “Keywords” represented by at least 500 publications with corresponding country affiliation in the selected years (the most popular “Subject Areas” being: Physics and Astronomy – 11,807; Medicine – 10,792 and Biochemistry, Genetics and Molecular Biology – 4,907; while the most popular “Keywords”: Human – 11,577, Article – 11,247 and Humans – 9,254). The numbers of annual publications were analyzed by the “Subject Area” and “Keyword”. As a result, trends in Polish-UK academic collaboration were identified, showing the fields of studies that have become more popular and those that have been losing its academic appeal. Detailed results of the analysis will be presented during the conference, but it is worth mentioning here that the growing role of “Medicine” started around 2010, while the keyword “Poland” seems to be under-represented, reaching its peak in 2016 with 113 publications. The time span selected for the analysis will help us to understand if joining the European Union by Poland marked any substantial change in academic collaboration with British academics.


Radoslaw Rybkowski is a University Professor at the Institute of American Studies and Polish Diaspora of the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. His fields of interest include American theatre and musicals; the interrelation between US culture and politics; and higher education policy. He was twice a Fulbright Fellow at the Steinhardt School of Culture, Education and Human Development of New York University. 2016-2019 he served as a member of Polish Accreditation Committee, a national higher education quality assurance agency. 

Dr hab. Monika Banaś, prof. JU, Jagiellonian University, Shades of Populism. Anti-migrant rhetoric in political discourse in the United Kingdom, Ireland and Sweden, 2020 – 2023


The paper will put into comparative perspective the main themes concerning immigrants (including refugees) running through the political discourse of the three countries: the United Kingdom, Ireland and Sweden. The analysis will be based on material from 2020 - 2023 relating to statements by politicians as well as civic expressions in the form of protests and demonstrations. The aim is to show the different shades of populism, sometimes taking a mild form through benign rhetoric, but at the same time also a harsh form through aggressive and repressive rhetoric. Both forms - mild and aggressive - can be effective in a specific context. Examples will be presented in the full text of the paper.


Monika Banaś is Professor at the Faculty of International and Political Studies at Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland. Her research focuses on culture, politics and their mutual dependencies. She has published on migration and integration policies, political culture and political symbolism. Her works include: Protest in Late Modern Societies. Dynamics, Forms, Futures, (co-edited with R. Saduov) Routledge (2023); Integration Policy as a Challenge for European Cohesion in Politické Vedy (2022); Swedish Migrant Integration Policy After 2015: A Revised Approach in the Shadow of the Migration Crisis in Fuori Luogo (2021); The Cultural Potential of Femipolitics in Ireland at the Turn of the 20. and 21. Centuries (in Polish) in Kobiety w polityce (2020). She is the chief editor of the academic journal Intercultural Relations.

Dr Małgorzata Kułakowska, Jagiellonian University, Mapping social change. UK Censuses 1991-2022


The aim of the paper is to analyse four utterances of the UK censuses, from 1991 to 2021 (the last census in Scotland was postponed and held in 2022) in order to trace the symptoms of social change. The analysis will attempt to illustrate significant moments and perspectives in recent British history using changing census questionnaires. The emphasis will be put on questions referring to identity, ethnicity, religion, but also gender, and migration issues. The analysis will be accompanied by some limited though analysis of the census data, done in comparative perspective. The methodology applied will not, however, be quantitative, but qualitative - geared towards tracing and tracking changes in narratives linked with conducting the census. Furthermore, to present the complex diversity of the UK censuses, differences between questionnaires and censuses organised in different countries of the UK will be demonstrated.


Małgorzata Kułakowska, PhD, an assistant professor at the Institute of Political Science and International Relations of the Jagiellonian University. An author of several articles devoted to British politics, multiculturalism, migration and research methodology, as well as a monograph on community cohesion project in the United Kingdom (Searching for community cohesion. British policies 2001-2010). A co-editor of three books (Studies on multiculturalism, 2010; Facets of election campaigns in 2015, 2016 - both in Polish, and Political Science in Europe at the Beginning of the 21st Century, 2015) and an Editorial Assistant of an academic journal „Teoria Polityki”. Main research interests are linked to the British society and socio-political anthropology, including qualitative research methods.

Dr Stephen Davies, University of Warsaw, Between the devil and the deep blue sea – politics as a factor in primary and onward migration for British citizens living long-term in Poland


The experience of British citizens living in EU countries, often identified as ‘lifestyle migration’, has been amply covered by researchers like Michaela Benson (France) and Karen O’Reilly (Spain). However, very little attention has been given to British citizens living in Central and Eastern Europe. Although the impact of Brexit on Britons living in the EU has received some attention, the role of politics in general as a factor in unforced migration is relatively understudied. This paper draws on qualitative in-depth interviews conducted in the period 2019-2022 with 60 British citizens living long-term in Poland. Using a Critical Realist lens for analysis, it investigates the structural effects of politics in Poland and the UK and how its sliding doors have fostered or hindered UK citizens’ ability to move to Poland since the transformation of 1989. On a micro level, it also looks at the individual agency of British citizens and their attempts to negotiate the political landscape to turn these changes to their advantage. This paper finds that anomic feelings connected to the political and economic conditions in the UK have often been a contributory factor in the decision to move abroad. Despite widespread concerns about political illiberalism in Poland, the state of British politics today and the structural impact of Brexit, which prevents many citizens returning to the UK with their partners, as well as the ‘hostile environment’ for Polish migrants, fuel continuing disillusionment with the UK and a reluctance to return.


Stephen Davies is currently a full-time lecturer in English academic skills at the University of Warsaw. His PhD research involved an analysis of structure and agency in the lives of UK citizens residing long-term in Poland. His research interests include intra-EU migration, social protest movements and the sociology of education. Since coming to Poland in 1993, he has worked as a foreign-language teacher and teacher trainer, translator and academic copy-editor with a number of national institutions.